Beijing has officially announced the Communist Party’s Central Committee proposal for the nation’s 15th five-year plan, including language that signals strategic support for the private sector and an acceleration of China’s transformation into a financial power, easing market concerns about their positions in the economy over the next five years.

These messages were not mentioned in the communique published last week at the end of the fourth plenum of the Communist Party.

“The state should implement the Private Economy Promotion Law to ensure, through legal and institutional means, equal access to production factors, fair participation in market competition, and effective protection of legitimate rights and interests, so as to develop and expand the private economy,” the proposal said.

It vowed to “fully stimulate” the vitality of all types of business entities and encourage the joint development of various forms of ownership.

The proposal also called for a more “sound and standardised” mechanism for law enforcement involving companies, cautioning against unlawful cross-regional enforcement and profit-driven enforcement.

The recommendation could be seen as part of Beijing’s efforts in recent years to court private business owners and boost confidence in the private sector amid an economic slowdown.

It also pushed for increased private capital access in key infrastructure projects, under the guidance of public funds.

“The state should enhance the guiding and leveraging role of government investment funds, stimulate the vitality of private investment and increase its share … strengthen the market-driven momentum for effective investment growth,” the proposal said.

It also called for continued efforts to promote the yuan’s internationalisation, including the building of “a self-reliant and controllable cross-border yuan payment system”, plus more access to foreign funding in domestic projects.

China should strengthen and modernise its financial system by enhancing regulations and coordination between central and local regulatory authorities, the proposal said while also calling for the acceleration of Shanghai’s development as an international financial centre.

And the proposal stressed the need to “enhance the inclusiveness and adaptability of capital market institutions, improve the coordination between investment and financing functions, actively develop direct financing through equities and bonds, and steadily advance the development of futures, derivatives and asset securitisation”.

Compared with the language used for the last five-year plan, the current proposal placed greater emphasis on preventing risks in the financial system, calling for “a risk-prevention and resolution system”.

The focus on regulation is also more highlighted, relative to five years ago, as the new proposal vowed to “comprehensively strengthen” financial regulations.

On accelerating the building of a strong financial nation, the proposal called for the development of science and technology finance, green finance, inclusive finance, pension finance and digital finance.

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“Language makes genocide justifiable. A reason why we are still being bombed after 243 days is because of The New York Times and most Western media,” the Palestinian journalist Hossam Shabat wrote months before Israel assassinated him. As Palestinians in Gaza return to their homes and take stock of the destruction Israel has wrought with two years of air strikes, massacres, and starvation, it is our responsibility in the West to hold complicit institutions to account for these crimes. As much as any weapons manufacturer, the media is part of the machinery of war, producing the impunity and bigotry that enables and sustains it.

There is no U.S. newspaper more influential than The New York Times. Editors and producers in newsrooms across the West take cues from its coverage, it is widely considered the “paper of record” in the United States, and it uniquely shapes elite consensus on U.S. foreign policy. Historically, this consensus has been fatal: Iran, 1953. Iraq, 2003. Libya, 2011. Since Israel began its genocidal war on Gaza, The New York Times has obfuscated, justified, and outright denied the occupier’s war crimes, thus continuing the paper’s decades-long practice of acting as a bullhorn for the Israeli government and military.

The paper has reprinted outright lies from Israeli officials, withheld or amended coverage at the behest of the Israeli consulate and pro-Israel lobby groups, and directed its reporters to avoid terms like “slaughter,” “ethnic cleansing,” and “occupied territory.” The paper’s anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian biases also seep into its hiring practices: Top executives, editors, and reporters at the Times maintain material ties to the Israeli occupation and to the Israel lobby in the U.S., while Arab and Muslim employees have been purged from staff or subjected to a “racially targeted witch hunt.” And while claims by Israeli officials are treated as fact in news coverage, genocide is reduced to a matter of debate in the Opinion section.

One of the primary avenues through which the paper of record seeks to maintain its prestige, mitigate years of reputational damage, and promote the appearance of diversity, equity, and inclusion is its Opinion section. Here, the Times invites contributions which “contrast with or challenge those of our newsroom and our own Opinion columnists and editorials.” The Times has described the section as a social gathering: “Picture a dinner party,” the NYT Open Team wrote. “The conversation swings from topic to topic and everyone is engaged in a lively discussion.”

As past contributors, as well as novelists, essayists, scholars, lawyers, poets, political analysts, and various public figures covered in the pages of the Times, we decline this invitation to participate in what Ghassan Kanafani, the revolutionary writer and martyr, called “a conversation between the sword and the neck.” There is nothing appetizing or enlivening about the prospect of sitting across from the likes of Bret Stephens, Thomas Friedman, or David Leonhardt, politely debating the definition of genocide while Israeli soldiers use American weapons to shoot starving children at aid sites and assassinate journalists in their tents. There is no crumb of exposure worth the price of cooperation with a newspaper that has refused to research and authenticate these war crimes, let alone name their perpetrators. The Times’ opinion section is nothing without its contributors, and it is our responsibility to delegitimize and decenter the Times as the “paper of record.”

Allowing the most damning facts on the ground — like Israel’s systematic sniping of children — to be presented exclusively as a matter of opinion is journalistic malpractice. Until The New York Times takes accountability for its biased coverage and commits to truthfully and ethically reporting on the U.S.-Israeli war on Gaza, any putative “challenge” to the newsroom or the editorial board in the form of a first-person essay is, in effect, permission to continue this malpractice. Only by withholding our labor can we mount an effective challenge to the hegemonic authority that the Times has long used to launder the U.S. and Israel’s lies.

We, the undersigned, refuse to contribute to the Times’ Opinion section until three demands from the Palestine solidarity movement are met. These demands, of both the newsroom and the Editorial Board, have been put forward by a coalition that includes Writers Against the War on Gaza (WAWOG), the Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM), the Palestinian Feminist Collective (PFC), PAL-Awda: The Right to Return Coalition, National Students for Justice in Palestine (NSJP), the US Palestinian Community Network, Palestine Solidarity Working Group (PSWG), Healthcare Workers for Palestine (HCW4P), and the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). They are as follows:

1. The newsroom must conduct a review of anti-Palestinian bias and produce new editorial standards for Palestine coverage. The Times must correct decades of biased, racist reportage on Palestine by reviewing and revising its style guide, methods of sourcing and citation, and its hiring practices. The paper must bar journalists who have served in the Israeli Occupation Forces from reporting on Israel’s wars and end the practice of printing information gathered through embeds with the Israeli military.

2. The newsroom must retract the widely debunked investigation “Screams Without Words.” In 2004 the Times’ public editor acknowledged the paper’s misreporting on alleged but non-existent “weapons of mass destruction” in Iraq, which helped drive the disastrous U.S. invasion. “Screams Without Words,” with its unevidenced claims of “weaponized sexual assault” on October 7th, was just as damaging. Its key researcher was fired for liking openly genocidal social media posts, its key witnesses have been discredited, and its subjects have come forward to deny its claims. The reporting failed to meet the Times’ own factchecking standards.

3. The Editorial Board must call for a U.S. arms embargo on Israel. Since the editorial board finally backed a ceasefire in January of 2025 — after more than a year of genocide — that position was adopted by a number of lawmakers and finally implemented this October. But Israel has proven that a ceasefire deal is insufficient to stop its destruction of Gaza. Only an arms embargo can deliver a lasting ceasefire. The U.S. must cut off the arms shipments that make Israel’s crimes possible, and the Times editorial board should use its significant influence to call for the end of American weapons transfers to Israel.

These demands are neither impossible nor unreasonable. The paper has updated its style guide in response to public and internal pressure before. In 1987, facing public criticism, Times editors updated the paper’s style guide and later took stock of its scant and biased coverage of the AIDS crisis. The Times has also issued retractions. In the wake of the Iraq war, the Times catalogued the many unverified claims it repeated, pushed out the author responsible for some of its most egregious coverage, and apologized for printing biased commentary as fact. “The failure was not individual,” its public editor wrote, “but institutional.” The Times has also called for legislative action to limit arms sales, both nationally and internationally — including to Gulf states, South Sudan, China, and apartheid South Africa.

Perhaps most apt is the Times’ own accounting of its “staggering, staining failure” to report accurately and urgently on the extermination of European Jews. “The failure of America’s media to fasten upon Hitler’s mad atrocities stirs the conscience of succeeding generations of reporters and editors,” a former executive editor wrote on the paper’s 150th birthday. “It leaves them obviously resolved that in the face of genocide, journalism shall not have failed in vain.”

We owe it to the journalists and writers of Palestine to refuse complicity with the Times, and to demand that the paper account for its failures, such that it can never again manufacture consent for mass slaughter, torture, and displacement.

The annual “two sessions” in Beijing, a crucial window into China’s policy priorities and economic trajectory, continue to draw significant Western media scrutiny. However, a subtle yet perceptible shift appears to be under way – a tempering of harsh criticism alongside a sustained analytical focus.

My colleagues and I conducted a content analysis of major Western news outlets, tracking the frequency of keywords related to China’s economy, technology and environment between 2019 and 2025; keywords were categorised as positive, negative or neutral.

We analysed 10 major British and American news outlets – including CNN, BBC News and The New York Times. Among those outlets, nearly 70 per cent of stories covering China’s economy, technology or environment in 2019 had a negative tone, according to our research. However, by 2025, the share of negative stories dropped to around 40 per cent, along with an increase in neutral coverage across all categories and positive coverage of the economy.

This suggests a move away from a predominantly negative framing of China in Western media towards a more complex and multifaceted representation. This shift also suggests a growing recognition of China’s achievements and its role in the global economy. Several factors might explain why Western newsrooms are acknowledging these efforts.

The scale and demonstrable results of China’s economic policies are undeniable. In 2024, final consumption contributed 44.5 per cent to China’s economic growth, surpassing exports and investment. Domestically, electric vehicle sales surged by roughly 40 per cent in 2024 compared to the year before. The commitment to issuing special treasury bonds to support initiatives like trade-in programmes shows a clear dedication to boosting consumer spending.

The changing geopolitical landscape – particularly the US-China trade tensions and the global focus on climate change – has forced Western media to reassess China’s role. For some in the West dealing with their own economic challenges, the relative stability of China’s economy might look increasingly more appealing.

China’s advancements in key technological sectors, such as artificial intelligence (AI) and renewable energy, are creating significant competitive pressure. Chinese companies making strides in open-source large language models or telecommunications like DeepSeek and Huawei are forcing Western nations to acknowledge China’s capabilities.

The number of new 5G base stations – reportedly exceeding 4.19 million by the end of last year – reinforces China’s technological advancement. In advanced manufacturing, China’s progress in robotics and automation is transforming industries and impacting global supply chains. Driven by significant investment in research and development, these advancements make China a major competitor to the US and Europe, forcing a reassessment of existing industrial strategies.

China’s dominance in solar panel production – accounting for around 80 per cent of global manufacturing capacity, according to the International Energy Agency – highlights its leadership in renewable energy overall and its potential to shape global energy transitions.

Perhaps most significantly, China’s growing emphasis on green development resonates with Western audiences increasingly concerned about climate change. With ambitious targets for renewable energy deployment, substantial investments in EVs and increasingly stringent efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, China is attracting attention from environmentalists, policymakers and industry stakeholders.

Furthermore, China is a dominant force in the worldwide EV and hybrid industries, with domestic purchases accounting for over three-quarters of global sales in February, according to data compiled by the China Association of Automobile Manufacturers.

While scepticism about the overall environmental record persists, particularly regarding coal consumption, the sheer scale of China’s green initiatives cannot be ignored. Data on China’s significant contributions to global renewable energy capacity is not only frequently cited but also analysed to understand the implications for global climate action.

In today’s global economic landscape, marked by uncertainties and fluctuations, China’s economic policy stands out for its stability and consistency. Unlike the US, where policy shifts can abruptly occur due to political changes and short-term economic pressures – exemplified by the imposition of unilateral tariffs that disrupt global supply chains and create trade tensions – China’s long-term strategic planning and consistent policy implementation have yielded results.

The facts speak for themselves. China’s sustained economic growth, technological advancements and commitment to green development, as evidenced by concrete data points, show the effectiveness of its approach. This stability not only fosters a predictable environment for businesses but also strengthens China’s position as a reliable economic partner on the world stage, in stark contrast to the volatility generated by certain US trade policies.

The shifting sands of scrutiny surrounding China’s two sessions reflect a complex interplay of factors. China’s evolving economic strategy, its technological prowess and its commitment to green development are contributing to a more nuanced portrayal. It is also crucial to consider the influence of internal Chinese media, which plays a significant role in shaping both domestic and international perceptions.

Online discourse and social media also have a significant effect on the public’s perception, often amplifying positive and negative narratives alike. Western media outlets must strive for balanced reporting by at least acknowledging China’s achievements. Only through a nuanced approach, grounded in data and critical analysis, can the West foster a constructive and mutually beneficial relationship with China in the 21st century.

As China continues to navigate its complex economic and political landscape, the West must remain vigilant but also be open to dialogue and cooperation. This evolving understanding, marked by both cautious optimism and critical scrutiny, could pave the way for a more productive relationship.

A top biomedical scientist has left the United States for China after giving up millions of dollars in research funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH).

After studying and working in the US for 22 years, Hu “Tony” Ye, who held the prestigious chair professor position at Tulane University in New Orleans, left to take on the role of founding dean at the new school of biomedical engineering at his alma mater, Tsinghua University.

Hu has long focused on the rapid detection of viruses, publishing numerous papers in top-tier journals and serving as the associate editor of ACS Nano journal.

Hu has applied for more than 30 patents in the field of nanomedicine, 14 of which have been authorised by American or international companies, and is a co-founder of four biotech start-up companies in the United States.

Just months before he left the US, he commented publicly on freezes and cuts to NIH funding.

He said a US$3.7 million NIH grant affected by the cuts had been allocated for the early detection of tuberculosis and HIV in children.

Additionally, US$3.1 million of NIH funding had been designated to develop blood-based cancer detection technologies and US$1.5 million was allocated to procure state-of-the-art equipment to further disease detection, cancer research and medical technology development.

On April 7, Hu published an open letter on the Tulane University website, titled “Preserving life-saving research: the crucial impact of NIH funding on public health”, writing that cuts to NIH funding would have a widespread impact on scientific research.

“Now is the time to raise our voices, to protect our research and our future. If we miss this moment, we may never get another chance – no one will be spared,” Hu wrote in the letter which he also posted to his LinkedIn profile and commented on.

“Proposed federal budget cuts could slash indirect cost reimbursements for NIH grants from 53 per cent to 15 per cent.”

On October 10, according to publicly available information from Tsinghua University, Hu returned to China as founding dean of the newly established school of biomedical engineering. He was also appointed the Zhao-Yi endowed professor at Tsinghua.

The South China Morning Post reached out to Hu for comment earlier this week, and he clarified the open letter during an interview on Friday.

“NIH has maintained full support for my research group in the United States without any funding cuts,” Hu said.

“I joined Tsinghua University full-time not because of the reduction in NIH funding.

“All of my NIH funding - several million dollars - left in the US has now been transferred to other Tulane University professors to continue the project, without any interference from NIH. I also informed my project manager about my return to China, and they all understood.”

Hu graduated in 1999 from the college of chemistry and chemical engineering at Lanzhou University in Gansu province, majoring in organic chemistry.

He quickly stood out at Lanzhou, as one of just 10 students graduating with honours out of 2,000, before pursuing a master’s degree in the department of chemistry at Tsinghua University.

After graduating in 2003, he studied biomedical engineering at the University of Texas at Austin, where he obtained a master’s degree in 2005 and a doctorate in 2009.

From 2009 to 2011, he conducted postdoctoral research at the University of Texas Health Science Centre in Houston.

During academic lectures, Hu often mentioned the period following his doctoral studies when he met a group of children in Italy who had developed Aids. He said their suffering motivated him to develop technologies to quickly detect infections related to Aids and tuberculosis.

According to estimates by the World Health Organization in 2024, around 10.8 million people worldwide contract tuberculosis each year. Around 1.25 million die from the disease, many of whom succumb because of undiagnosed conditions or late diagnoses that render them incurable.

Additionally, one-third of the global population is infected with the tuberculosis bacillus but does not develop the disease. Researching new diagnostic methods and improving existing ones has become an urgent priority.

Hu developed a new method that enriches tuberculosis peptide antigens in human blood using nanoparticles, which are then detected with a mass spectrometer. Compared to commonly used diagnostic methods that require four to six weeks, the new method can shorten the diagnostic time to 2½ hours, with laboratory costs of around US$3 per test.

From 2011 to 2015, Hu was an assistant professor in the nanomedicine department at Houston Methodist Research Institute, while concurrently holding the position of assistant professor in the department of cell biology at Weill Cornell Medical College. In November 2015, he was promoted to associate professor.

In July 2019, he joined Tulane University medical school as the Weatherhead chair professor.

Celia S. Weatherhead, a Tulane alumna and a major donor to the university, established the Centre for Cellular and Molecular Diagnostics where Hu was the second director.

In January 2021, his laboratory at Tulane University developed a rapid Covid-19 testing kit. This kit, which used saliva as the sample source instead of nasal swabs and could detect the Covid-19 virus and its variants, was more sensitive than nasopharyngeal swabs and could provide results in 15 minutes using a smartphone.

In January 2024, the journal Nature published an article titled “Tracking down tuberculosis”, which mentioned seven potential new tuberculosis screening technologies, three of which were developed by Hu’s lab.

According to the Tsinghua University website, before Hu’s return to China, his laboratory received long-term funding from institutions such as the US Department of Defence, NIH, the Gates Foundation and WHO.

In June, the Association of Diagnostics and Laboratory Medicine in the US awarded Hu its 2025 academy award for outstanding contributions to clinical chemistry in a selected area of research. The award recognises clinical chemists whose pioneering research efforts have placed them among the world’s foremost experts in their fields.

However, Hu stated in an open letter in April that, “without proper funding, those solutions may never reach the people who need them most”.